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When
I was younger, my best friend’s name was Harry. He lived up the street, and as
the product of wealthy parents that had no other children, Harry had a plethora
of toys and sports equipment. During the summer months, we hiked up to the
field near his house, bat and baseball in hand, and set up bases around the
field. With barely enough players to suffice as a “team,” our fathers played
outfielders, and it was more about how powerful Harry or I could hit the ball,
or if we could potentially achieve a home run. I loved baseball. I was only
eight years old and hadn’t realized—yet—that I lived in a society that more or
less prevented girls from playing the sport, instead making them join softball
teams where the ball was literally softer,
perhaps suggesting more delicacy for the “weaker” sex. This was one of the
pivotal moments in my childhood that gave me a better understanding of men and
women’s roles in athleticism. I don’t
really remember ever playing baseball again, but I was housing a deep anger
within my veins that was never quite extinguished—who was it that ultimately
“decided” women couldn’t play baseball? Why was I so upset? Was this the
moment, my development into adolescence, that would forever separate me from
enjoying athletics with my friends like Harry?
From
what we have read recently in class, there is a lot of commentary on the body
in terms of male and female performance in sports. I wanted to explore this
area of research in this blog because in my opinion, sports reinforce the
binary of male/female, thus excluding other attributes, and furthermore hit
very close to home in terms of favoritism of male athletes. Author Erica Rand,
in “Court and Sparkle,” writes that:
underexamined
notions about gender criteria pervade sport, beginning with the principle on
which policies and debates about the participation of transgender athletes most
publicly rest: that sex segregation is the foundational criterion of fairness
in competitive, and often even recreational, athletics…this principle is unfair
from the start because…it erases and excludes people who do not fit into one of
the categories. (439)


Beyond experiencing a fit of anger upon
discovering I could not play baseball as a girl, I had to experience the utter
sexism and disapproval of my gym teacher from first to fifth grade. I have to
admit I was excited to talk about sports and gender in class because this was
something I had grappled with during my youth, but never fully got to analyze.
Obviously, one could argue, my gym teacher, we’ll call him Mr. M, favored boys
because he perceived them as being stronger and more able to fulfill their
“potential.” Maybe this is due to the fact that men typically exert all of
their energy when playing sports, while women are less “aggressive.” Marion
Young, author of “Throwing Like a Girl,” explores this by asserting that men
“[engage] in sport generally with more free motion and open reach than does his
female counterpart. Not only is there a typical style of throwing like a girl,
but there is more or less a typical style of running like a girl, climbing like
a girl…” (143). This term “like a girl” has pervaded the media as well as young
children’s mindsets for years. When I was younger, to “throw like a girl” was
to throw weakly, passively, without any passion or enthusiasm—to suggest that
as a girl, I’d rather be shopping or painting my nails than exerting any energy
in sports. I learned, after the baseball fiasco, that sports were mainly for
boys. There were always more boys on my Dynamo soccer team, always who took the
lead and asserted their dominance over me. A few of the girls from my fifth
grade class took over a small field space to play soccer, but eventually Mr. M
kicked us out and lent that space to the younger boys so they could toss a
football around, while the older boys kept the only other open space on the
asphalt to play kickball. It was a constant battle of boys coming up dominant
in the world of sports, and, eventually, I quit altogether when Mr. M displayed
me in front of my gym class after track tryouts to point out how “weak,”
“skinny,” and therefore undesirable I was.
This
was the moment in my life that I became truly conscious of my body—and as Young
suggests, “women often approach a physical engagement with things with
timidity, uncertainty, and hesitancy. Typically, we lack an entire trust in our
bodies to carry us to our aims” (143). That was just it. I had lost all
confidence in my body, especially after being called weak, and did not feel as
though I could put my best foot forward and try again. Why? Because I had
nobody telling me that I could do it.
Mr. M told a lot of the boys that if they tried harder, they would succeed. But
he didn’t tell any of the girls—he didn’t tell me. In that way, he failed all
of us. However, I, too, failed myself. I internalized the bad rhetoric behind
being a girl and refused to fight it—instead, I played along. I never would
have realized this had it not been for the readings and the exploration we did
as a class in terms of sports and gender. While I did not specifically discuss
transgender athletes like Rand, I still came to a better understanding of my
own childhood and experience with sports, which I feel is important as the
world of sports, gender, and athleticism continues to garner discussions and
debates. What I have ultimately learned is that next time, I won’t just play
along. Next time, I’ll make sure to fight it.
works cited:
Rand, Erica. "Court and Sparkle: Kye Allums, Johnny Weir, and Raced Problems in Gender Authenticity." A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, vol. 19, no. 4, 2013, pp. 435-463.
Young, Marion Iris. "Throwing like a Girl: A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment Motility and Spatiality." Human Studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 1980, pp. 137-136.
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